As of late 2025, the figure for what percentage of SNAP recipients work varies depending on how “work” and “recipient” are defined—but the most robust and current data indicate that a high majority of work-capable households participating in the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) include someone who works during a year.
Key Latest Figures
- Among SNAP-participating households in 2021 that included at least one non-disabled, working-age adult, 86 percent reported earnings in that year.
- In data tracking participation over a typical month in 2015, just over 50 percent of non-disabled adult recipients were working that month, but 74 percent had worked at some time in the 12 months before or after that month.
- In households with children and a non-disabled adult recipient, about 89 percent of those households had at least one member who worked in a 25-month window.
- In fiscal year 2023, 28 percent of all SNAP households reported having earned income in the month; among households with children, that number was 55 percent.
Understanding the Differing Percentages
These differing percentages in reports about SNAP recipients’ employment rates arise from how “work” and “participation” are defined across different datasets and timeframes. Understanding these distinctions is crucial to accurately interpreting what the numbers truly mean about the working poor and food insecurity in the United States.
- Monthly vs. annual employment measurement: One major reason percentages vary is that some data reflect employment in a single month, while others capture work activity over an entire year. Because low-wage and part-time work often fluctuate with economic cycles, seasonal demands, and unpredictable schedules, a person might not be working in a specific month but may have worked several months earlier or later in the same year. Consequently, the annual measure tends to show a higher share of SNAP recipients working at some point than the monthly snapshot suggests.
- Individual recipients vs. households: Another important distinction lies in how the data define the “worker.” Some analyses focus on whether the individual recipient is employed, while others look at the household level—that is, whether any adult in the household has a job. This difference can create significant variation. For example, a household with two adults where only one works would count as a “working household” in some studies, even though one adult may be unemployed or out of the labor force.
- Inclusion or exclusion of non–work-capable participants: SNAP serves a wide demographic range, including older adults, people with disabilities, and caregivers who may be unable to work. When all recipients are included in the calculation, the overall employment rate appears lower. However, when analysts focus solely on “work-capable” adults—those who are physically and mentally able to work and not caring for dependents full-time—the employment rate among this subgroup rises significantly. This adjustment reveals that a large share of those able to work do, in fact, hold jobs or seek employment, even if their income remains too low to meet food needs.
- Nature and stability of employment: Finally, the term “working” can encompass very different realities. Many SNAP participants are employed in industries characterized by low wages, unpredictable scheduling, high turnover, or part-time hours—such as retail, hospitality, and food service. These jobs often lack benefits and consistent pay, which makes maintaining financial stability difficult even while working. As a result, being “employed” does not necessarily mean financial security. Many working SNAP recipients experience underemployment, job instability, or income volatility that keeps them reliant on food assistance to meet basic needs.
Together, these distinctions illustrate why the reported percentages of working SNAP recipients vary so widely across studies. The differences reflect not inconsistencies in data quality, but rather the complex, dynamic nature of employment among low-income individuals and families. Understanding these nuances helps policymakers, researchers, and the public gain a more accurate picture of how work and food assistance intersect in America’s economy.
Why This Matters for U.S. Households
Understanding the relationship between work and SNAP participation is essential for addressing misconceptions and shaping effective public policy.
- Challenging misconceptions about work and assistance:
There is a persistent narrative that most SNAP recipients are unemployed or dependent on government aid without contributing to the workforce. However, data consistently show that the majority of work-capable adults on SNAP are employed for at least part of the year. This reality challenges the stereotype of non-working recipients and reframes the program as one that supports working families struggling to make ends meet. - Recognizing SNAP as a supplement, not a substitute:
SNAP often functions as a critical supplement for households that already have income from employment. Many working families rely on SNAP to bridge the gap between low wages and the rising cost of essentials like housing, healthcare, and transportation. Rather than discouraging work, the program helps stabilize food security for those who are already part of the labor force but whose earnings fall short of basic living expenses. - Reflecting the realities of the modern labor market:
Many SNAP recipients are employed in sectors characterized by low pay, unpredictable hours, or seasonal work—such as retail, hospitality, food service, and home care. These jobs often lack benefits, consistent schedules, and opportunities for advancement, making financial instability a persistent issue even for those working full-time. SNAP provides a safety net that allows families to manage through periods of reduced income, job loss, or fluctuating work hours without facing hunger. - Informing fair and effective policy design:
Policymakers debating stricter work requirements or eligibility rules should recognize that most SNAP households already include workers. The issue is not a lack of willingness to work but rather the unstable and low-paying nature of many available jobs. Effective policy should focus on improving access to stable employment, fair wages, and childcare—factors that directly influence both work participation and food security.
In essence, these insights reveal that SNAP is not merely a welfare program for the unemployed but a vital support system for America’s working poor. By understanding who SNAP serves and why, discussions around work requirements and program reform can better reflect the lived realities of millions of U.S. households striving to stay fed and financially stable.
Read also-Will SNAP benefits be issued in November 2025?
Snapshot Table: Work Rates Among SNAP Participants
| Measure | Share Reporting Work |
|---|---|
| Work in a given month (non-disabled adults) | Just over 50% |
| Worked sometime in the 12 months before/after participation month | ~74% |
| Households with children + non-disabled adult, worked in 25-month period | ~89% |
| Households with non-disabled, working-age adult, earnings in 2021 | ~86% |
| Households with children reporting earned income (in a given month) in FY 2023 | 55% |
Bottom Line
When asking “what percentage of SNAP recipients work,” the most accurate summary is: a large majority of households participating in SNAP and capable of employment have someone who works during the year—roughly 80-90 percent, depending on the definition. But if you narrow it to employment in a specific month, the percentage is lower—closer to 50-60 percent.
If you’d like a state-by-state breakdown or historic trends over time for this question, I can pull that together.